Suchergebnisse

>The article examines voting rights of non-resident citizens and noncitizen residents (transnational suffrage) in the case of Uruguay. In the first place, it considers the historical and legal context, detailing existing mechanisms for foreigners' suffrage as well as those being debated for the implementation of non-resident citizens' suffrage. Secondly, it considers the quantitative dimension of foreigners' suffrage as well as the possible weight of non-resident citizens' electoral participation. The qualitative dimension is also considered, including perceptions of non-resident citizens, non-citizen residents and the electorate in general. Finally, it assesses the political and institutional impact of transnational suffrage in Uruguay. ; El artículo analiza el sufragio transnacional (voto desde el exterior y votos de los extranjeros residentes no ciudadanos) en el caso de Uruguay. Primero, se contextualiza históricamente encuadrándolo en el derecho vigente y se detallan los mecanismos existentes para el voto de los extranjeros y aquellos que se discuten para el eventual voto desde el exterior en el futuro. En segundo lugar, se examinan la dimensión cuantitativa del voto de los extranjeros y las cifras estimativas del sufragio de la diáspora. Asimismo, se considera la dimensión cualitativa, incluyendo la autopercepción de los ciudadanos no residentes, de los residentes no ciudadanos y del electorado en general. Finalmente, se evalúa el impacto del sufragio transnacional a nivel político e institucional en el Uruguay.

In just two decades, the number of states that have adopted external voting policies has boomed. Today, these policies, which allow emigrants to take part in home country elections from abroad, are widely found in Europe and Latin America. Looking at the cases of Italy, Mexico, and Bolivia, this book examines the motivations and consequences for states that enfranchise citizens abroad. This analysis sheds light on the impact of emigrants in home country politics, the motivations for emigrants to take part in the elections of a country where they no longer reside, and the consequences of thi.

Transnational politics and citizenship -- History of Italian emigration and the response of political parties -- Electoral participation from abroad : turnouts, trends and results -- A new understanding of external voting : what political parties want -- Citizenship rights and political identity of emigrants -- External voting policy in Turkey and participation from abroad -- The political inclusion of Romanian emigrants in domestic politics -- New experiences of political transnationalism : comparing the Italian, Turkish and Romanian experience.

One of modern democracy's biggest challenges is the overseas voter.This book is the first of its kind to explore the issues of military and overseas voting, an often neglected voting bloc, by investigating the successfulness of overseas voting initiatives, technologies, and policy efforts. Thad Hall, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, USA

"October 1, 2009." ; Shipping list no.: 2010-0017-P. ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Emigrant voting has been implemented in more than 150 countries in the world, allowing emigrants to take part in the elections of their home country. This phenomenon is a consequence of global migration and political transnationalism. Looking at the experience of Brazil, this book explores the changed nature of Brazilian emigration and analyses how emigrant voting was initially introduced and subsequently permitted in all presidential elections. The book also investigates what external voting rights represent to the Brazilian emigrant community and if and how Brazilian emigrants engage politically with their country of origin. It is based on original research and data collected from Brazilians abroad across the seven countries with the most Brazilian emigrants.

The European Union (EU) as the flagship of supra-nationalism is in a severe crisis. Its legitimacy is increasingly questioned by populist and nationalist parties which claim that the political elites and procedures have become detached from the people and that immigrants endanger the welfare and the culture of the autochthonous population. In this context, the project investigates the potential of transnational citizenship and voting opportunities as current and future pathways contributing to reduce the distance between the people and politicians and to overcome the dichotomy between migrants and sedentary populations.
Based on normative theorizing, current empirical tendencies, and existing ideas, we first develop two proposals for transnationalizing voting spaces on the European and on the national level. The first proposal lays out how voters from EU member states could vote for parties from other member states in the election to the European Parliament. The second proposal envisions that voters from other EU member states could elect (a limited number of) representatives in the national parliament of each EU member state. These proposals build on and expand current trends to allow voting beyond the confines of territory (requirement: residency) and nationality (requirement: citizenship).
Second, with the help of a pan-European Electronic Voting Advice Application (VAA), we will gather information not only about the current extent of transnational voting (by external and dual citizens) and transnational campaigning of parties. We will also find out whether and where people and parties are willing to support and use those further opportunities for transnational voting that we lay out in our two proposals. VAAs play a double role in our project: Conceptually, they are necessary preconditions for making our proposals viable. Empirically, a VAA that we will set up together with the European University Institute in Florence will create the data for our and further scientific studies.Finally, our project brings together two strands of research: The first strand of research is concerned with citizenship rights and practices beyond the realm of the Westphalian nation state, while the second deals with the design of electoral systems for multi-national polities. We will test whether voters and parties are mainly driven by polity-centered considerations (interest in and identification with particular or multiple nation states or with the EU) or by policy-centered considerations (policy positions and preferences).
Altogether, the project will stimulate the discussion about a third transnational pathway for securing the effectiveness and legitimacy of the European Union beyond supranationalism and nationalism. It will tremendously expand our empirical knowledge out the current level of transnational orientations and practices of people and parties in Europe, and at the same time we will find out whether and where people and parties support expanded options for transnational voting. Furthermore, the project will allow us to keep at the forefront of research dealing with VAAs. Finally, the gained insights might be stimulating for other multi-lingual or multi-national democratic systems.

Political transnationalism, compared with other forms of immigrant transnationalism, and its relationship with assimilation into American society, remains largely unexplored. Using immigrants' voting in their home countries as an example, New Immigrant Survey data, including that of immigrants who became permanent residents in 2003–2004, were analyzed. The dependent variable was immigrants' voting in their home country elections, and the independent variables included assimilation, human capital, past political behavior, and their region of origin. Based on the bivariate analysis, transnational voting rates differ by immigrants' age, race/ethnicity, region of origin, educational level, English proficiency, assimilation, and previous voting behavior. The findings of logistic regression confirmed that assimilation is negatively associated with immigrants' voting in the home country elections, whereas human capital is positively related to transnational voting among immigrants. Voting momentum was the most influential factor in immigrants' voting in home country elections. Immigrants' region of origin was another significant predictor of transnational voting. Future studies must examine immigrant political transnationalism by including national-level factors transcending individual attributes, and host countries other than the US.

A wide majority of countries acknowledge non-resident citizens' right to vote in elections in their country of origin. However, classical turnout theories do not take into account how electoral mobilisation has expanded into a transnational political field that reaches beyond national state borders. This paper analyses the determinants of emigrant turnout based on an original dataset of 25 countries of origin and each of the counties of residence where these voters reside. We find that emigrant communities from developing democracies experience a steep political learning curve that prompts their participation in home country politics, especially if they reside in countries with solid democratic institutions and linkages with their host societies. Our research also shows that remittances not only indicate commitment to family members' welfare in home countries, but positively influence participation in home country politics. ; This work was supported by the Ministry of Science and Innovation, Spain, grant number CSO2014-57029-P.

Where does the balance of power lie in a policy-making institution with an external agenda setter, legislators, and lobbies? In a multiple round majority rule game with sophisticated actors, we show that the agenda setter obtains its most preferred policy outcome even if all lobbies and legislators prefer the status quo to the proposal (i.e., the proposal lies in the covered set). A lobby with the ability to recruit supermajorities can counterbalance this power. If contributions are conditional on the entire voting profile, such a 'transnational lobby' can veto any proposal at no cost. If contributions are conditional on the votes of each recipient legislator, the transnational lobby has only to possess a greater willingness to pay than the median national lobby to achieve this result. We use our formal model to explain external tariff policies in the European Union following the creation of an internal market.

The global movement of people has created one of modern democracy's greatest challenges: the overseas voter. In response to the unique problems that voters abroad face, several key pieces of federal legislation have been passed by Congress, including the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act (UOCAVA) in 1986 and the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) in 2002. Smith closely examines the voting experiences of military and overseas citizens and documents the historical development of their voting rights and the development of voting technology. Several metrics of voting success are examined to determine how successful recent legislation has been in improving the military and overseas voting experience, and identifies limitations in public policy's ability to improve certain metric of success, as well as the applicability of these lessons for domestic voters within the United States.